desyderivs herasmvs canonicvs ordinis divi avrelii avgvstini pientissimo in christo patri henrico antistiti cameracensi salvtem dicit


49. to henry of bergen

7 November 1496, Paris


1
DESYDERIVS HERASMVS CANONICVS ORDINIS DIVI AVRELII
AVGVSTINI PIENTISSIMO IN CHRISTO PATRI HENRICO
ANTISTITI CAMERACENSI SALVTEM DICIT.
ECOVEм me vno confidentius furacem vidisti? Quid istud
5
principii est, inquies? Dabit veniam meae fiducie vel ingenio tua
humanitas, antistitum ornatissime. Qum enim rara quadam atque
admirabili mixtura ita prestantissimus esses vt nihil te vno facilius
ac popularius, ita facillimus vt nihil augustius; libuit tamen in
man presentiarum humanitatis tue potius quam magnitudinis meminisse,
10
tuaque cum beatitudine paulisper, si fas est, iocari. Quid, inquam,
me vno confidentius? Quid huic simile Phormio ille Therentianus
designauit? Parum audax visum est facinus alienum inuito domino
sustulisse, ni furtum insuper meum ipse proderem, imo ostentarem,
atque adeo (quod est impudentissimo impudentius) tibi; nihil neque
15
tuam censuram veritus neque tabulas neque leges, sed ne seueram
quidem illam Qu. Scaeuolae interpretationem: Quod cui seruandum
datum est, si id vsus est, siue quod vtendum acceperit ad aliam
rem atque accepit vsus est, furti se obligauit. Qua saltem calumnia
hinc elabi queam? Cui non facinus culleo dignum videatur?
20
Verum hoc vnum modo mihi concedat tua equanimitas; liceat
paucis pro causa dicere. Vbi rem cognoris ordine, Herasmum non
modo absolues, verum tu tanquam alter Apollo Mercuriale furtum
meum et ridebis et probabis.
25
Guielmus Harmanus Goudensis, quo vno semper et a teneris (vt
Greci dicunt) vnguiculis qum omnibus in rebus tum liberalibus
studiis Patroclo Perithooque iucundissimo sum vsus, prima ac
summa nostre Hollandie spes est; que qum antehac inculta squali-
daque nil nisi sentes, carduos, syluestriaque effuderit, cepit vix
30
denique Italiam aliquam frugem parturire. Cuius quidem primicias
plurimis de causis tuo nomini placuit immolare. Apud hunc pridem,
qum valetudinis confirmande gratia aliquot dies cessarem, inter
multa que nostro more familiarissime simulque iucundissime con-
ferebamus, Odas quasdam, quibus ille adolescens admodum preluserat,
35
eruit atque depromit; scilicet vt me censore abolerentur. Aiebat
enim suo more tum verecunde tum facete eiusmodi sibi videri illas
quarum mende ne sexcentis quidem lituris tolli nequirent, vnica
possent; neque Apolline eas sed Vulcano Neptunoque dignas arbitrari.
40
Addebat non minus festiue iampridem fetus illos suos, tanquam
abortiuos eoque degeneres nulliusque spei futuros, parenti inuisos
haberi. 'Me' inquit ipsum facere pietas prohibet volentem; tu
Harpagus esto.' Simulque exponendos tradidit, nihil minus
veritus quam quod consequtum est. Ego siquidem ex Harpago
45
nominato primum Ciri, deinde Mosi, Oedipi, Romuli delectatus
omine, pie fraudulentus clam educandos putaui quos ille impie
seuerus prodidisset; in spem videlicet erectus futurum aliquando
vt illa parenti desperata soboles effloresceret ac patre etiam inuito
regno potiretur.
50
Itaque periisse simulans Parrhisios repeto predamque mecum aufero.
Hic ne solus adeo furto potirer, non me contineo quin intimis
aliquot amicis aperiam, perpaucis quidem initio, deinde (vt fit) res
ad complusculos serpsit. Quid multa? Denique vniuersi agmine
55
in me facto efflagitarunt, ne tante spei primicias inuidus premerem,
sed tot studiosis adolescentibus id muneris gratificarer; obiter
interminati, cum bona quam cum mala gratia facere preoptarem.
Mihi quidem, antistes ornatissime, doctissimi modestissimique
adolescentis ingenium semper admirationi fuit, nihilque vnquam
60
mediocre, nedum humile, nihil non egregium a tali indole expectan-
dum iudicaui. Meo tamen vnius iudicio non satis fidebam, veritus
ne coniunctissimi hominis amore allucinatus parum recte perspicerem.
Verum vbi Robertus Gaguinus, quo vno litterarum parente, antistite,
principe Francia non iniuria gloriatur, Guielmi mei carmina
65
magnopere probauisset vltroque vt ederem hortaretur, eius iudicio
facile acquieui. Quid enim tanti viri vel moribus vel doctrine non
tribuendum existimem? Nec me fallit adeo saeuas a Guielmo mihi
lites paratas, et quidem Demeanas: o coelum, o terra, o maria
Neptunni. Expectande epistolae sexcentis conuiciis referte. Male-
70
ficum, proditorem clamabit. In ius denique trahet, opinor. Quid
calumnie comminiscar? Quo me colore tuebor? Cicerone opus
fuerit; verum vt par etiam ipse futurus sit vereor. Sed Mitionem
imitabor, non pessimum impudentium causarum defensorem.
Dicam preter ius me furti accusari, quod (vt vere a Pytagora
75
dictum est) amicorum inter se communia sint omnia. Aut certe
cum Cherea Therentiano magis ingenue fatebor amore me, non odio,
peccasse.
Vtcunque tamen ille feret, humanissime Presul, ego meum
80
furtum plane atratum prodire nolens, tui nominis auspicio prodire
volui; siue quod tibi vnico Mecenati omnia mea studia, quecunque
erunt, dicare certum sit, siue quod hec eiusmodi iudicassem, que
tue benignitati probatum iri facile diuinarem: quippe in quibus
due quedam res, quarum vtriusque te semper amantissimum noui,
85
copulate cernerentur, cum eruditione insigni probitas non vulgaris;
quarum quidem coniunctione vt nihil existit pulchrius absolutius-
que, ita rarius nihil. Nam in plerisque mores quidem veneramur,
at eruditionem, sine qua manca quodam modo virtus videtur,
desideramus. Contra fere fit vt ii quibus felicius ingenium contigit,
90
nescio quo pacto aut ad glorie inane studium male erecti sunt aut
ad lasciuiam peius procliues; ceterum a Christiane religionis
pietate simplicitateque abhorrent. Quare recentioribus his poetis,
atque adeo Christianis, subirasci mecum interdum soleo, quod in
res deligendis sibi archetypis Catullum, Tibullum, Propercium, Nasonem
95
ne quam diuum Ambrosium, quam Paulum Nolanum, quam Pruden-
tium, quam Iuuencum, quam Mosen, quam Dauid, quam Salomonem
sibi proponere malint, tanquam non sponte sint Christiani.
Sed reprimam me ne plus satis, presertim in amasios quondam
100
meos, vt isti me insimulant. Equidem cum meo Gaguino libens
sentio, qui ecclesiasticas quoque materias vernaculis opibus splen-
descere posse putat, modo pura adsit oratio. Neque improbauerim
Aegyptiam adhiberi supellectilem; verum totam Aegyptum transferri
non placet. Qua in re Baptista ille Mantuanus palmariam meo
105
iudicio operam nauauit. Qui vt cum Marone communem patriam
sortitus est, ita ad Maronis eruditionem non parum accessit ; qui
mihi non alio iure Christianus Maro videtur appellandus quam
quo Firmianum Lactantium Agricola Christianum Ciceronem solebat
appellare. Et nisi me fallit augurium, erit, erit aliquando Baptista
110
suo conciue gloria celebritateque non ita multo inferior, simul
inuidiam anni detraxerint. Habet, habet fortunatissimus ille Car-
melitarum ordo quo sibi placeat, quo cunctos prouocet. Neque
tamen huic iam seni Guielmum adhuc adolescentem ausim equare;
quanquam his progymnasmatis in summam spem ducor Steynense
115
illud rus aliquando habiturum quod Mantua iam bis felix nequeat
contemnere. Nam qui tam feliciter abortum fecit, qualem fetum
legitimo partu pollicitetur? Primi partus qum in nonnullis animan-
tibus tum in ingeniis inanes fere prouenire solent. Si tam leta
sunt Guielmi inania, que tandem erit illa matura solidaque fruges?
120
Ad miraculi cumulum facit patrie barbaries, preceptorum penuria,
honosque nullus apud nos studiis habitus. Quare si qui forte
nasutuli in hec inciderint, etiam atque etiam premonitos velim vt
etatis, vt patrie, vt cure rationem habeant, eque his preludiis hominis
ingenium non metiantur, sed coniiciant potius ex herbe luxuria soli
125
fertilitatem. Et si que neglectiora offenderint, lusisse Guielmum
hec meminerint, non scripsisse. Si que nimia videbuntur, meliorem
esse spem luxuriantis quam frugalis ingenii cogitent. Diminuto
enim non tam facile additur quam nimio detrahitur. Preterea si
qua liberiora acerbioraque videbuntur, Acciani responsi meminisse
130
non pigeat; qui qui adolescens Pacuuio, tragico quidem et illi sed
iam admodum etate grandi, tragediam quam Atreum inscripsit
desideranti legisset, atque is omnia sibi probari quidem dixisset,
subdura tamen atque acerbiora videri, 'Fateor,' inquit 'nec me sane
istius rei penitet. Nam quod in pomis est, idem aiunt in ingeniis
135
euenire; que dura et acerba nascuntur, post fiunt mitia et iucunda.'
Mihi certe in hoc carminis genere, in quo post Horatium nemo
fere nobilis extitit, Guielmi mei libertas non displicet; tum quod
locupletissime vene sit argumentum, in tantis lyricorum numerorum
angustiis copie indulgere, tum quod Quintiliano non placuisse video
140
eos qui procellam metuentes nunquam se pelago credunt et, vt ille
ait, manum semper intra pallium continent. Horatianas Odas idem
collaudat solasque fere lectu dignas iudicat, quod insurgant nonnun-
quam et foeliciter audeant.
Sed nimium extendimus epistolam. Lectori semel dicam, si quid
145
in his Odis offendet, me, non Guielmum, reprehendat. Tu vero, vt
ad te redeam, antistes amplissime, hos infantes expositicios ac
plusquam orphanos in alumnos tuos me tradente si referes, antiqua
tua humanitate dignum feceris. Parentem minime desyderabunt,
si tu illis patronus contigeris. Desino plura. En adsunt ipsi mea
150
opera vtcunque adornati. Bene vale, nosque commendatos habe.
Parrhisiis. a Christo nato anno . Septimo idus Nouembres.


Associated Sources

2.
'Opus Epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami', ed. P. S. Allen, 11 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1906), vol. 1, epistle 49.
3.
'The correspondence of Erasmus: letters 1 to 141, 1484 to 1500', tr. R. A. B. Mynors and D. F. S. Thomson, annot. Wallace K. Ferguson, 'Collected Works of Erasmus', ed. A. Dalzell, et al. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), vol. 1, epistle 49.
4.
'La Correspondance d'Erasme. Traduite et annotée d'après l'Opus epistolarum de P. S. Allen, H. M. Allen et H. W. Garrod', ed. Alois Gerlo, et al., 12 vols (Brussels: University Press, 1967), vol. 1: 1484–1514, epistle 49.
5.
'De correspondentie van Desiderius Erasmus: Brieven 1–141', tr. M. J. Steens (Rotterdam: Donker, 2004), vol. 1, epistle 49.
Text has not been meticulously cleaned. You will find splits and errors, especially in Greek text. Refer to the originals or other sources for exact wording. Translation is done by AI, so do not regard it as authoritative! See About for more.

Commentary

Percy Stafford Allen

[This letter is printed at the end of Guielermi Hermani Goudensis, theologi ac poete clarissimi, Sylua Odarum, Paris, G. Marchand, 20 Jan. 1497; a volume edited by Erasmus. When visiting Steyn in the summer of 1496 he persuaded Herman to entrust some of his poems to him for publication; and on his return to Paris he showed them to Gaguin and persuaded the leader of the Parisian literary world to write a letter in answer to one he had brought from Herman, which might serve as a preface to his friend's volume (GE. 77, dated 16 or 17 Sept. (1496)). In this letter Erasmus represents himself as breaking faith in publishing the poems, and of this profession Cornelius Gerard subsequently availed himself in the matter of Erasmus' Paraphrase of Valla's Elegantiae (p. 93) ; but in 1503 Erasmus writing to Herman (Ep. 178) claims to have acted with complete candour, and there can be no doubt that Herman was aware of the intended publication, the representations in Erasmus' letter being only, an affectation of the modesty considered polite in a young author (cf. p. 121). The volume contains eighteen poems by Herman dealing with the friends and circumstances of his early life (see pp. 77, 87, 92, 118, 128, 133, 136, 169) and one by Erasmus (p. 155), each poem having a brief argument which was probably added by Erasmus at the time of publication. Besides the edition here mentioned Marchand printed another which is exactly similar in all respects, except that the name and device of the stationer Denis Roce appear on the title-page. M. Thuasne (GE. i. 128) also notes an edition of the same date by Johannes Philippi, who subsequently printed for Erasmus in 1500 and 1501 (Epp. 126 and 152); but I cannot discover the volume he refers to. The copy mentioned in the library of St. Geneviève at Paris is the simple Marchand edition. He also takes the date of the publication to be 20 Jan. 149; but see EHR. xix. 585. A selection from Herman's Odes was subsequently reprinted by Adrian Barland with Erasmus' De ratione studii, Louvain, Th. Martens, 24 Sept. 1512. Henry of Bergen († 6 or 7 Oct. 1502), second son of John, fifth Lord of Glimes and Bergen-op-Zoom (p. 144). On 3 May 1477, being already LL.D. and Canon of Liège, he received the Abbey of St. Denis-en-Broqueroie near Mons. When he became Bp. of Cambray, 17 May 1480, he refused to surrender the Abbey, and maintained it by force against the papal nominee until 1487, when he went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem (GC. iii. 109, 10 and 50). On his return he visited Rome in Dec. 1487 (Burchard, i. 279 and 282). His patronage of Erasmus probably began in 1493 (App. 5), perhaps in consequence of his promotion in April of that year to be Chancellor of the Order of the Golden Fleece (de Reiffenberg, Hist. . . . Toison d'Or, p. 217). In July 1493 he again resorted to force to assert the claim of his brother Antony to the Abbey of St. Bertin at St. Omer, see p. 334. As Chancellor he was the chief ecclesiastic at the court of Burgundy, and celebrated the marriage of Philip with Joanna of Spain at Brussels, 21 Oct. 1496, and also many christenings (Molinet, 288, 299, 306, 312). In July 1498 he was sent on an embassy to England (p. 203, and cf. Molinet, 304). He is said to have enlarged the 'Collegium Porci' at Louvain, but this is perhaps to be understood of the support given by him to Standonck (p. 200) in his reforms (Molinet, 318). In Nov. 1501 he set out with Philip on his journey to Spain, but after arriving there he quarrelled with Francis Busleiden, the Abp. of Besançon (Ep. 157), 'die onsen Princke (Philip) ghehelick op sijn handte hadde' (John of Naaldwyk, Chronicle, Brit. Mus. MS. Vitell. F. xv. f. 346 vº), and was sent back, his brother John being at the same time deprived of his office of Chamberlain. He reached Château Cambrésis in Sept. 1502 (Macquéreau, Chronicque de Bourgoigne, ed. Buchon, 1838, p. 6) and died there shortly afterwards (Molinet, 318). For his will, which is preserved in the archives of Bergen, see MSH. 1862. pp. 415-7.]

M.J. Steens

Link to commentary

AI Summary

Erasmus writes to Henry of Bergen, Bishop of Cambray, playfully defending his decision to publish the poems of his friend William Herman without explicit permission. He frames this act as a 'theft' but argues it was done out of friendship and admiration for Herman's talent, with encouragement from Robert Gaguin. Erasmus hopes Henry will accept the dedication and support the publication, praising Herman's combination of erudition and Christian piety.

Translations

AI Deepseek

DESIDERIUS ERASMUS, CANON OF THE ORDER OF SAINT AURELIUS AUGUSTINE, TO THE MOST PIOUS FATHER IN CHRIST, HENRY, BISHOP OF CAMBRAI, GREETINGS. So, did you see anyone more brazen than me as a thief? What kind of opening is this, you will say? Your kindness, most distinguished of bishops, will pardon my boldness or my wit. For since by a certain rare and admirable mixture you are so outstanding that nothing is easier and more affable than you alone, and so very easy-going that nothing is more majestic; it has nevertheless pleased me at present to recall your kindness rather than your greatness, and to jest a little, if it is permissible, with your blessedness. What, I say, is more brazen than me alone? What similar thing did that Terentian Phormio devise? The deed of having taken another's property without the owner's consent seemed not bold enough, unless I myself should also betray my theft, or rather, parade it, and even (which is more shameless than the most shameless) to you; fearing neither your judgment, nor the public records, nor the laws, but not even that severe interpretation of Quintus Scaevola: "He to whom something was given to be kept, if he used it, or if he used what he received for use for a purpose other than that for which he received it, has made himself liable for theft." By what sophistry, pray, can I escape from this? To whom would such a deed not seem worthy of the sack? But let your equanimity grant me this one thing; let it be permitted to speak a few words in defense of my case. When you have learned the matter in order, you will not only acquit Erasmus, but you, like a second Apollo, will both laugh at and approve my Mercurial theft. William Hermans of Gouda, with whom alone, from my earliest years (as the Greeks say) from the tender nails, I have enjoyed the most delightful companionship in all things, but especially in liberal studies, a Patroclus and Pirithous to me, is the first and greatest hope of our Holland; which, though hitherto uncultivated and squalid has produced nothing but brambles, thistles, and wild things, has at last barely begun to bring forth some Italian fruit. For many reasons, it pleased him to offer its first fruits to your name. With him some time ago, when I was resting for a few days for the sake of my health, among the many things which we discussed in our manner most familiarly and also most pleasantly, he brought out and produced some Odes, with which the young man had merely been playing as a prelude; obviously so that they might be destroyed on my judgment. For he said, in his manner both modestly and wittily, that those verses seemed to him of such a kind that their faults could not be removed even by six hundred erasures, but could be by a single one; and he thought them worthy not of Apollo but of Vulcan and Neptune. He added no less humorously that those offspring of his had long been regarded by the parent himself as hateful, like abortive and therefore degenerate beings of no future hope. 'Piety,' he said, 'forbids me, though willing, to do it myself; you be the Harpagus.' And at the same time he handed them over to be exposed, fearing nothing less than what followed. I, indeed, delighted by the omen, first from the named Harpagus, then from Moses, Oedipus, Romulus, piously fraudulent, thought they should be secretly brought up for education, whom he, impiously severe, had condemned to exposure; raised, you see, in the hope that someday that offspring, despaired of by the parent, would flourish and, even against the father's will, gain the kingdom. And so, pretending they were lost, I return to Paris and carry off the booty with me. Here, lest I alone should enjoy the theft, I cannot restrain myself from revealing it to some intimate friends, indeed very few at first, then (as happens) the matter crept to several more. What need for many words? Finally, all in a body demanded of me that I should not enviously suppress the first fruits of such great promise, but should gratify so many studious young men with this gift; incidentally threatening that I should prefer to do it with their good will rather than their ill will. To me, indeed, most distinguished Bishop, the genius of that most learned and most modest young man was always a source of admiration, and I judged that nothing mediocre, let alone low, nothing but the extraordinary was to be expected from such a talent. Yet I did not sufficiently trust my own judgment alone, fearing that, blinded by the love of a very close friend, I might not see quite correctly. But when Robert Gaguin, with whom alone France not unjustly glories as a parent, bishop, and prince of letters, had greatly approved the poems of my William and urged me of his own accord to publish them, I readily acquiesced to his judgment. For what should I think ought not to be granted to the character or learning of so great a man? Nor am I unaware that very fierce quarrels are prepared for me by William, and indeed Demean ones: O heaven, O earth, O seas of Neptune. Expect letters filled with six hundred reproaches. He will cry 'Villain!', 'Traitor!'. Finally, he will haul me into court, I suppose. What false charge shall I devise? With what pretext shall I defend myself? I shall need a Cicero; but I fear that even he may not be a match for it. But I shall imitate Mition, not the worst defender of shameless causes. I shall say that I am accused of theft contrary to law, because (as Pythagoras truly said) among friends all things are common. Or certainly, with Terence's Chaerea, I shall confess more frankly that I have sinned from love, not hate. However he may take it, most kind Prelate, I, not wishing my theft to come forth plainly in mourning garb, wanted it to come forth under the auspices of your name; either because I am resolved to dedicate all my studies, whatever they may be, to you as my only Maecenas, or because I had judged this work to be of such a kind that I could easily divine it would meet with your approval: indeed, in it two particular things, of both of which I know you have always been most fond, can be seen joined together: remarkable learning with uncommon probity; than whose conjunction nothing is more beautiful and perfect, so nothing is rarer. For in most people we indeed revere their character, but we miss the learning, without which virtue seems somehow lame. On the contrary, it generally happens that those upon whom a rather fortunate talent has fallen are, I know not how, either wrongly bent towards a vain pursuit of glory or, worse, prone to licentiousness; but otherwise they shrink from the piety and simplicity of the Christian religion. Wherefore I am sometimes wont to be angry with these more recent poets, and even Christian ones, because in selecting their subject matter they prefer to take as their models Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius, Ovid, rather than the divine Ambrose, or Paulinus of Nola, or Prudentius, or Juvencus, or Moses, or David, or Solomon, as if they were not Christians by choice. But I shall check myself, lest I say more than enough, especially against my former darlings, as those people accuse me. Indeed, I gladly agree with my friend Gaguin, who thinks that ecclesiastical subjects too can be made to shine with native resources, provided the style is pure. Nor would I disapprove of Egyptian furniture being used; but I do not like the whole of Egypt to be transferred. In which matter that Baptista of Mantua has, in my judgment, done a prize-winning work. As he has obtained a common homeland with Virgil, so he has come not a little close to Virgil's learning; he seems to me to deserve the name of Christian Virgil by the same right that Agricola used to call Lactantius Firmianus the Christian Cicero. And unless my augury deceives me, there will be, there will be a time when Baptista will be not so very far inferior in glory and fame to his fellow citizen, once the envy of the years has been removed. That most fortunate order of the Carmelites has, has something with which to please itself, with which to challenge all others. Yet I would not dare to compare this now elderly William, still a youth, to him; although from these preliminary exercises I am led to the highest hope that that Steyn estate will someday possess something which Mantua, now twice blessed, could not despise. For he who has miscarried so successfully, what offspring does he promise from a legitimate birth? First births, both in some animals and in talents, are usually apt to turn out empty. If William's empty things are so joyful, what then will that mature and solid fruit be? The barbarism of his native land, the scarcity of teachers, and the honor paid to studies among us being none, adds to the height of the miracle. Wherefore if any rather critical persons happen upon these, I would wish them to be forewarned again and again to take into account his age, his country, his circumstances, and not to measure the man's genius by these preludes, but rather to infer from the luxuriance of the plant the fertility of the soil. And if they come upon anything rather careless, let them remember that William was playing with these, not writing seriously. If anything seems excessive, let them think that a luxuriant genius holds better hope than a frugal one. For it is not so easy to add to a stunted one as to take away from an excessive one. Furthermore, if anything seems rather free and harsh, let them not be reluctant to remember the reply of Accius; who, when as a young man he had read to Pacuvius—a tragedian indeed, and an old one at that, of quite advanced age—the tragedy which he had inscribed "Atreus," and Pacuvius had said that everything indeed pleased him, but seemed rather hard and harsh, said, "I admit it, and I am not at all sorry for that. For they say the same thing happens in geniuses as in apples; those which are hard and sour when born, later become mild and pleasant." To me certainly, in this genre of poetry, in which after Horace almost no one of note has appeared, the freedom of my William does not displease; both because it is a very rich vein of subject matter to indulge in abundance within such narrow confines of lyric meters, and because I see that Quintilian did not approve of those who, fearing the storm, never trust themselves to the deep and, as he says, always keep their hand inside their cloak. The same man praises the Horatian Odes and judges them almost alone worthy of reading, because they sometimes rise up and dare successfully. But I am extending the letter too much. To the reader I shall say once: if anything in these Odes offends him, let him blame me, not William. But you, to return to you, most distinguished Bishop, if you take these exposed infants, more than orphans, as your foster-children upon my delivery, you will have done a thing worthy of your ancient kindness. They will scarcely miss a parent, if you become their patron. I cease saying more. Behold, they are here, adorned by my effort such as it is. Fare well, and hold us commended to you. From Paris, in the year of Christ's birth 1496, the 7th day before the Ides of November [November 7].

M.J. Steens